THE ENIGMA CALLED SABAH

One thing they tell me is that Musa Aman has been Chief Minister for too long, more than 11 years. That is their complaint against Musa Aman — too long in office. But when I ask them, “So what? What’s the problem with a Chief Minister being in office for 11 years?” they have no response.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

In an earlier article (The unhappiness in Sabah and Sarawak) I touched on various issues, in particular regarding how important Sabah and Sarawak are to Barisan Nasional, and hence to Umno as well, and how BN-Umno needs Sabah and Sarawak to stay in power. It is not an understatement when we say that Sabah and Sarawak are BN’s ‘fixed deposit’ and even the Prime Minister himself admits this.

There is much criticism regarding Sabah (not so much regarding Sarawak now that the long-serving Sarawak Chief Minister has retired and has handed power to his successor). However, we find that the criticisms are all lumped into one as if it is a single ‘disease’ that requires a one-cure type of solution. Actually, the Sabah situation needs to be broken down into urban grouses, rural grouses, unhappiness against the federal government, and unhappiness against the Chief Minister, Musa Aman.

Hence, simply put, we need to dissect the various Sabah issues into different categories and address each of the categories separately. To lump them all into one would be just like looking at the issues of the Chinese in Kuala Lumpur with those of the Malays in Gua Musang. The KL Chinese and Gua Musang Malays do not share the same issues and a one-cure solution, therefore, would not solve the problem. (When I talk about ‘KL Chinese’ we can, of course, include the Kelang Valley or Selangor Chinese as well).

For example, the KL Chinese might complain that there are too many restrictions regarding the setting up of churches (and that many churches need to operate from shop-houses or factory lots). However, the Malays in Gua Musang do not have this complaint. So, solving the problem of churches does not affect the Malays in Gua Musang; only the Chinese in KL/Selangor.

The same applies to the issues in Sabah as well. Do Sabahans in the rural areas share the unhappiness or complaints of the Chinese (or elite class) in the urban areas and towns in Sabah? That is what we need to explore because much of our feedback is from the more vocal urbanites and it is being presented as if the entire population of Sabah feel the same way. I fear we may be hearing only one side of the story and the story from the minority/urbanites on top of that.

One test I have done is when someone tells me about the ‘problems’ in Sabah I immediately ask them to list down those problems. Now, immediately, tell me what those problems are! I find that these people appear hesitant and comment that they would need to think about it and maybe get back to me later with the details.

If you know that there are problems in Sabah then you would know what these problems are and the issues or complaints would be at the tip of your tongue. You should be able to tell me from the top of your head what they are. You would not need to think about it first and do some research first and then get back to me later. Hence I find it very suspicious and wonder whether these so-called problems are genuine or just issues fabricated to criticise the Chief Minister.

No doubt some of these complaints are real and need to be addressed. For example, the issue of illegal immigrants, plus the problem of drugs and crime, which are related to the problem of the illegal immigrants, are real issues. The security problem and the issue of piracy and kidnappings are also real issues. The government, both federal and state, needs to be perceived as addressing these issues in a serious manner. There must be a political will to resolve all these. And this is what appears to be lacking, the political will.

However, as I said, the opposition (plus the Chinese, even those from Barisan Nasional) are those complaining about the illegal immigrants problem. But the illegal immigrants issue itself can be broken down into two categories. First are those illegal immigrants who are really illegal. Second are those immigrants who have been ‘legalised’ with ICs.

The opposition (plus the Chinese, even those from Barisan Nasional) are not only unhappy about the real illegal immigrants, they are also unhappy about those who have been ‘legalised’ (what they refer to as ‘Projek IC’). They realise that this is Barisan Nasional’s ‘voter bank’. But do the rural Sabahans also feel the same as those in the urban areas (in particular the opposition and Chinese)? And how much of a problem are the illegal immigrants to those who live in the rural areas?

This is something I cannot reply to unless I go down to the rural areas to do my own opinion poll or survey because my feedback is mainly from the urban Sabahans, mainly those ‘yang ada duit’ so to speak. Hence I reserve comment regarding this and sum it up as this may not be a complaint by all Sabahans but only those Sabahans opposed to Barisan Nasional.

If so, then this would mean that solving the problem is not going to change anything because those opposed to Barisan Nasional would still oppose Barisan Nasional even if you kick one million illegal immigrants out of Sabah, even those with ICs.

That is my opinion on the matter, but not based on any scientific study, I must add.

The next point is regarding the 20-Point Agreement and ‘federalisation’. This is the complaint I receive, but again, as I said, from the urban Sabahans who feel that Sabah is being ‘colonised’ by West Malaysia. Is this also how rural Sabahans feel? Again, I do not know. But this is certainly how urban Sabahans feel. But then urbanites all over Malaysia are anti-government anyway.

Nevertheless, this needs to be addressed because there is some truth that Sabah (and Sarawak) has lost some of its autonomy and there is much federal control in the state machinery. Sabahans must be made to feel that they have some measure of self-rule and that they are not being colonised by West Malaysia.

Then there is the issue of the oil royalty where Sabahans are demanding that the 5% be increased to 20%. The question we need to ask is, though, which Sabahans? All Sabahans, including those in the rural areas, or only those politician Sabahans who are using this as a political issue? I have not done an opinion poll on this and my feedback is from the ‘upper class’ Sabahans, political activists, and those opposed to the government. Hence is this the popular view or the minority view? I would not be in a position to answer that question unless I spend some time travelling in the rural areas to speak to the people there.

Some feedback I do receive is regarding the Chief Minister, Musa Aman. Many are not happy with him. But when I ask them what specifically is wrong with Musa Aman, I do not seem to get an immediate response. Again, they need to think about it, do some research, and get back to me later.

Now, if I am not happy with someone, and you ask me what it is I am not happy about, I can immediately give you a ‘ceramah’. I do not need to think about it first or do some research and get back to you later. Hence I am not sure whether there are any real issues against Musa Aman or whether this is the normal ‘political jealousy’ (or the opposition attitude of not being happy with the Chief Minister because he is from Barisan Nasional).

One thing they tell me is that Musa Aman has been Chief Minister for too long, more than 11 years. That is their complaint against Musa Aman — too long in office. But when I ask them, “So what? What’s the problem with a Chief Minister being in office for 11 years?” they have no response.

Being in office for 11 years is not a crime. So why oppose him because he has been in office ‘too long’? Those who raise this issue cannot give a valid and credible response to this. Hence I regard this as ‘political jealousy’.

Sabah needs to see more rural development. Currently, as is the same for most parts of Malaysia, development is concentrated in the urban areas. Hence this is not just a Sabah problem but also a problem for all Malaysia. Travel to some parts of the East Coast of West Malaysia and see how the people there live.

To be included in the rural development for Sabah should be an improved and more extensive railway system. Sabah’s railway was built in 1896 and currently consists of a single 134 km line from Tanjung Aru, near Kota Kinabalu, to the town of Tenom, in the interior. This means the railway only runs along the west coast of Sabah and does not reach Sandakan, Lahad Datu, Semporna, Tawau, etc.

The government should consider this and announce, say, a 20-year plan, to extend the railway to these other major towns. This is going to be the largest single project in Sabah (if not in Malaysia) and will be seen as a great improvement for Sabah. Land prices would increase and development would come to those areas that the railway reaches.

More importantly, Musa Aman would get the credit for upgrading the railway system, which is more than 125 years old and quite outdated.

The other complaint is regarding development projects that are going to Musa Aman’s cronies. This has been a complaint since more than ten years ago but this does not seem to affect voter support in Sabah. Again, this complaint comes from the upper class in Sabah and not from the rural voters or ‘working class’. So is this a complaint from the rakyat or just from the ‘gulungan elite’ and politicians? To be honest, I do not know because, as I said, I have not done an opinion poll in rural Sabah. Nevertheless, there is some truth in this allegation but then this is the same compliant all over Malaysia, even in Pakatan Rakyat states.

I do not have statistics for water and electricity supply: meaning how many percent of Sabahans still DO NOT have water and electricity supply. Nevertheless, by now it should be 100% or close to 100% and if not then the state needs to address this immediately.

Other than that I just cannot see what the shortcoming of Musa Aman or Barisan Nasional are. No doubt when we talk to Sabahans there appears to be much unhappiness. However, as I said, I talk to politicians from both BN and Pakatan plus to the ‘gulungan berada’. But do the normal rakyat or man-in-the-street feel the same way? Possibly regarding illegal immigrants, drugs, crime, security, kidnappings, piracy, etc., the opinions may be many. But as for whether this is the fault of Musa Aman personally is something that can be argued. Nevertheless, it would help if Musa Aman can issue some ‘strong statements’ on the issue and launch certain steps to try to resolve these issues to at least give an impression he is sincerely trying to do something.

At the end of the day, we must remember that the rakyat only want a decent life and security. If Sabah can provide this then that is all that matters. And this is the same the world over, even in advanced countries.

So, the million-dollar question is: is Musa Aman a bad Chief Minister? No one seems to be able to tell me. They grumble and make allegations but can’t seem to support these allegations with facts other than grumblings regarding corruption, cronyism and projects going to Musa Aman’s ‘kaki’. But even if this is so it is a Malaysian rather than Sabah problem. Whoever becomes the Sabah Chief Minister it is still going to be the same.

And one thing we must never forget, whoever becomes Chief Minister and how good this Chief Minister may be, the opposition and gulungan berada will still oppose the government. Musa Aman needs to demonstrate that he may not be perfect but he is still far better than anyone else. And this has to be in how he develops Sabah. And one ‘wow-factor’ can be the railway proposal I mentioned above. Musa Aman is going to launch what others have never done and can never do, upgrade the 125-year old and outdated railway system.

Politics, after all, is about perception. Hence there must be a perception that Musa Aman has done something different for Sabah, which those before him have not done. And the fate of BN in Sabah lies in the hands of the rural voters, not in the hands of the urban voters, who will still oppose the government come hell or high water.